“The Utah Constitutional Convention of 1895 considered and rejected a limited sovereign-immunity clause. It would have applied to the State but not to other government entities or to employees. On Day 38 of the Convention, Mr. Eichnor proposed a clause stating, “The Legislature shall not pass any law authorizing suits to be brought against the State.” The Convention rejected that proposal.
The Constitution did not (and still does not) contain any provision for sovereign immunity. To the contrary, Article I, § 11 of the Constitution guarantees redress for every injury: “every person, for an injury done to the person in his or her person, property, or reputation, shall have remedy by due course of law….” The Constitution makes no exception for injuries committed by government entities or their employees. The Constitution was adopted by people whose parents, or they themselves, had been harassed, sometimes murdered, and driven from their homes by government-sponsored actors.
The Constitution recognized claims against the State. Article VII, Section 13 gave jurisdiction over such claims to a Board of Examiners. (That jurisdictional provision was repealed by Constitutional amendment in 1992.)
Looking beyond the Constitution itself: The territorial laws before adoption of the Constitution, and the State laws shortly after, also contain no provision for sovereign immunity. To the contrary, in a multitude of ways, the statutes confirm the State, other government entities, and their employees could be sued for torts.
If the Constitution includes a sovereign-immunity clause, it is unwritten, a ghost-clause. Advocates have supposed sovereign immunity was such a basic part of federal law and English common law that the drafters of the Constitution took it for granted and forgot to write it in. That would be odd, since the drafters remembered other basic things — e.g., “All men have the inherent and inalienable right to enjoy and defend their lives and liberties,” “All political power is inherent in the people,” etc.
In any event, sovereign immunity was not a basic part of the background that could be forgotten. As to English common law: In the 1700’s it, too, provided for government actors to be sued for their torts. John Marshall, born in 1755 and later Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court, knew English common law from direct experience. In Marbury v. Madison, 5 US 137 (1803), he wrote, “In Great Britain the king himself is sued in the respectful form of a petition, and he never fails to comply with the judgment of his court.”
Early federal law was the same: In 1793, the US Supreme Court decided Chisholm v. Georgia, 2 US 419. Chisholm concerned debt that Georgia had incurred during the Revolutionary War. Chisholm was decided by a court of Founders. Each of the five Justices was a practicing lawyer before the Revolutionary War. Each had participated in the adoption of the US Constitution. By a vote of 4-1, the Court ruled against sovereign immunity. Even after the 11th Amendment was passed, the Court applied it narrowly until after the Civil War.
The belief that sovereign immunity was baked into English common law and the federal constitution is historically wrong. As the legal historian Susan Randall puts it, “The history of sovereign immunity in the United States is a history of mistakes.”
In 1913, this Court decided Wilkinson v. State, 42 Utah 483. Wilkinson became the fountainhead of sovereign immunity in Utah. Even Wilkinson acknowledged that government employees were liable for their torts. Wilkinson reversed a judgment finding a state engineer liable — not because the engineer was immune, but because he was not negligent. See 42 Utah at 488-92. After dicta suggesting sovereign immunity for the State, the Court added, “we do not mean that state officers, or state boards, or state agencies may not, under certain circumstances, be sued in the courts.”
Over time, sovereign immunity expanded. In 1966, the Governmental Immunity Act purported to grant immunity to every governmental entity and all their employees. Today, among the hundreds of thousands of government employees, there is none so humble but they can claim a privilege to commit torts against the people.
In the century since Wilkinson, no one has shown how the Utah Constitution contains an unwritten sovereign immunity clause that would override the Open Courts clause. Nor has anyone answered the obvious question: What would have motivated the settlers of Utah to grant their new government a privilege to commit torts against them? How could that happen without a public debate? Where did Brigham Young advocate for such a privilege? Where did anyone?
In the century since Wilkinson, this Court has repeatedly endorsed the doctrine of sovereign immunity, sometimes on 3-2 split decisions — usually based on precedent, not reasoning. In 1950, for example, in Bingham v. Board of Education, 118 Utah 582, on a 3-2 split, the Court majority “prefer[red] not to disregard a principle so well established without statutory authority.” Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes thought it “revolting to have no better reason for a rule of law than that so it was laid down in the time of Henry IV.” In 1950, Wilkinson had only 37 years behind it.
With the notion of sovereign immunity, the Court has created a de facto Constitutional amendment. But the power to amend the Constitution is reserved ultimately to the People. The de facto amendment violates the separation of powers. Insofar as the Governmental Immunity Act overrides the Open Courts clause, the legislature and governor also violated the separation of powers, by encroaching on the power reserved to the People.
As it has coursed through Utah law, sovereign immunity has left a trail of human wreckage in its wake. In Bingham, a three-year-old girl was severely burned by an incinerator that a school put by a playground. In SH v. State, 865 P.2d 1363 (1993), the government negligently hired a driver who then raped a deaf child. In Tiede v. State, 915 P.2d 500 (Utah 1996), the government negligently supervised a pair of felons who then killed two mothers and assaulted their daughters. In Scott v. Utah County, 2015 UT 64, county workers negligently let a prisoner escape. He approached Mika Scott on the Provo River Trail and beat and assaulted her in the bushes. In the present case, police officers ignored clear signs of danger to Gabrielle Petito, and it cost Gabby her life. Not a year later, in amici’s case, three-year-old Hunter Jackson was decapitated by a car driven by a felon high on methamphetamine. The felon was on the streets because of negligence by the government. Hunter was killed along with his best friend, Odin, also three years old, in front of Hunter’s 12-year-old sister.
In these cases down the long line of years, the government offers regrets but insists mournfully that the government has a privilege to commit torts that lead to the burning, raping, or killing of our children, and therefore, sadly, the victims have no recourse, no redress.
Enough. We have a Constitution. It neither creates nor permits sovereign immunity. Neither the legislature nor the courts have authority to grant the government and its employees a privilege to commit torts. That authority is reserved to the People. This Court should no longer declare the law too weak to give recourse for parents of children killed by government negligence. It is past time to restore the Constitutional order.”